Women in Early Modern England
Popular culture shared a complex and multivalent relationship with gender in early modern England. For one, the popular culture was vital in shaping the gender relations between the people; in turn, gender relations sustained the popular culture. Historians have sometimes taken the gender aspect for granted when exploring the popular culture. As a consequence, popular culture in early modern England seems more coherent and straightforward than it was. Gendering the popular culture helps restore its complexities, demonstrating its multifaceted historical nature. The different dimensions of popular culture do not make sense without the broader context of the conventional behavior of men and women, and their experiences [1]. Similar to other traditional societies, the cultural conceptions regarding gender in early modern England were are not fixed. Most historical studies on the role of gender during this period focus on its masculine perspectives; these studies provide one side of the equation. Such modern commentators assign passive, dependent, home-based roles to women, in contrast to the active and extra-domestic social roles of the men[2]. Recent studies have dispelled the long-standing assumption that women played a peripheral role in these early modern societies. This paper explores the pervasive impact of gender on popular culture and its influence on women’s relations with men.
The predominant values in the popular culture in the early modern world are misogynistic of different aspects. Male domination is reflected in the exclusion of women from politics and decision-making at the local administration. At the center stage of leadership, men were responsible for defining the values, morals, and laws that characterized the early modern culture. As a consequence, the moral boundaries were set to consolidate and safeguard the position of men at the zenith of the political, social, and economic food-chains. Whyte (2011) posits that the isolation of women from political structures further entrenched their discrimination in the early modern world. Women, in particular wives, were expected to subordinate to men. Such requirements for total subordination of women were reinforced through stringent legal restrictions[3]. Besides, the women were supposed to remain chaste, practicing their sexual activities within matrimonial constraints. At the same time, there was a common presumption that women were sexually voracious, unlike their male counterparts. With such stereotypes, the men attempted to restrict and control women’s sexual activities to their advantage. Female morals were defined through their sexual behavior, while the moral compass of men was determined based on a broad criterion, including business dealings and power. In terms of the reputation of both sexes, the reputation of women was more fragile as compared to that of men. Ingram (1995) argues that the criminal offense of scolding, which was common in the early modern era, was a male construct meant to subjugate women and restrict their freedom of expression [4]. As Underdown’s “Taming of the scold” puts it, the criminalization of scolding represents a crisis in gender relations in early modern England.
Within such a hostile and discriminative environment, there is no doubt women found it challenging to bring a meaningful impact. The male-dominated early modern England treated them like second-class citizens devoid of the same rights and freedom as men. Despite the systematic discrimination, women were still expected to perform a pivotal role in the household, especially in bringing up their children. Early modern England was obsessed with ensuring that women’s rightful place was at home, far from all the fantasies of power. Since this society accorded women little trust in handling the most crucial matters, the women returned the same favor. In other words, women had a limited amount of trust that they could afford to give in early modern England. To a greater extent, this had a significant impact on their relationships and friendships. Despite the burden placed on their shoulders, women fought back against the male-domination, as demonstrated in different historical accounts. Rather than accepting the status quo, women became the “shadow” brokers of quasi-public power with significant impacts on the power balance [5]. For instance, the women were responsible for spreading gossip, making or breaking a person’s reputation, and reporting suspects courts for various offenses. Similar to social media in the modern era, women were the propaganda machine of early modern England. However, men regarded these female activities with ambivalence, despite their significance and meaningful contribution. As a result, there was a power struggle between the men and the women, as the men attempted to distract the women from their rightful duties.
Subordination of women was a vital gender construct in early modern England. In most cases, the role of women was pivotal to the financial well-being of the household. Under such circumstances, the essence of subordination is unclear. Within this traditional set-up, women supported their husbands in their economic activities, therefore, contributing a significant proportion of the household income[6]. Some of the wealthiest men included their wives as the sole executors of their will. Even in this era, the abilities of women to run their husband’s businesses reflected their potential. The society expected them to be intelligent and diligent co-managers of their households [7]. Nonetheless, their abilities were considered inferior to that of men. Though subordinate to their men, women are expected to be equally capable and familiar with their husbands’ trades. Another paradox with subordination is that, even though it has universal acceptance, its terms and boundaries are disputed by both sexes [8]. As such total subordination was impossible since women had a fundamental contribution. – early modern England practiced limited subordination. A limited form of subordination created significant tensions between both sexes. Men demanded increased subordination citing the need for chasteness and women’s lack of self-control. Through emphasizing the woman’s sexual appetite, it painted women as some sorts of witches, whose desires for pleasure, revenge, and wealth was uncontrollable.
Subordination is at the center of women’s relations with men. The message calling for subordination was emphasized through sermons and written media. As its proponents posited, subordination was a prerequisite for maintaining sound order in the household. Thomas Gataker asserted that in all kind of relations one party must be superior to the other; in marriage, it is obvious that the man should hold the upper hand[9]. An example of the prevalent attitudes regarding subordination is the ritual of skimmington, which was directed at women who assaulted their husbands. No such rituals exist for shaming men who abused their wives. Most of the women supported such punitive practices against women who went against the values of subordination, participating in the rituals. However, some cases suggest ambivalence on the part of women folk due to different reasons. The cases show that women were most of the time submissive to their husbands due to the societal pressure of subordination. However, the unequal balance in this wife-husband relationship failed where there was resentment from the woman. Such cases involved women who were brave enough to fight back due to unfair treatment. For instance, Nicholas Rosyer was beaten by his wife because he had been coming home drunk (Ammussen, 1995). However, this does not mean that women were against subordination; in fact, the women often acknowledged its importance [10]. Women wanted the boundaries of subordination left wide open and flexible. This is reflected in the vagueness of their language when attempting to define what constitutes subordination[11]. On the other hand, the men sought to restrict the nature of women’s subordination, through court cases and popular literature.
Sexual relations are among the most critical pillars in the gender system of early modern England. Unlike the requirements of subordination, it is a more flexible demand for women, because it was deemed easier to determine. Both the men and women and women, who were unmarried, were under the close watch of the neighbors[12]. In case of any premarital sexual encounter between them, the pair could be forced to marry. The watchful neighbors were opposed to paternity accusations from an expectant maiden, as demonstrated in the case of Agnes Haddon. Within marriages, both man and wife were required to remain faithful. The method for detecting any form of indecent sexual practices was public observation[13]. For instance, a woman who was seen with another man, at unusual places or times, became suspects of incontinent living. Such accusations were common, for example, Norwich neighbors accused, Robert Armiger and Margaret Mollett, who were traveling together of an extramarital affair. Allegations of sexual misconduct were grave and could be detrimental to the reputation of the accused. Most of the peddlers of such accusations were women, and the ecclesiastical courts became known a women’s courts. Fletcher (1999) argues that such a tendency of women to make such accusations is quasi-political, evidence of the power struggle between both gender[14]. Based on such considerations, such accusations were evaluated in terms of the specific context in which they were made, the previous reputation of the accused, and the weight of the evidence.
The politics of sexual relations and reputation allowed women to take advantage of male sexual honor or reputation. In a world that discriminated against the women, there existed few opportunities for women to gain the upper hand over their male counterparts, sexual accusation is one of them. The pertinent fear of exposure or defamation is something that could make the most powerful men susceptible to an aggrieved or calculating woman (Capp 1999). Capp further argues that while men and women are not evenly matched in this gender power struggle, women are not powerless victims as we think. In the politics of sexual relations and reputation, women are influential, sometimes shameless and sometimes heroic [15]. This is mostly because women in the early modern societies had no considerable reputation, and thus little to lose from this power game[16]. For this reason, tactful women could take advantage of the male reputation to further their personal interests. In most cases, this involved trapping a reluctant man into marriage through revealing or inventing damaging information regarding the man’s private affairs. When Alice Fare realized that her male partner was planning a marriage proposal for another woman in 1604, she spread lies that man had already married her in a private ceremony a few months prior. Another typical example of women’s power is a pregnant woman attempting to legitimize her position. Blanche Samson, a maidservant, on realizing that her master was planning to pay a dowry for a noblewoman, informed the bride’s mother that she was carrying her master’s pregnancy. In that regard, the man was deemed unfit to marry the noblewoman, and the marriage was canceled. For courting couples, it was common to accept to marry the woman in case the woman got pregnant [17]. If the man was not willing or not able to keep his word, the woman faced an uncertain future. In such cases, the woman could spill the beans to pile communal pressure on the man or face humiliation.
Violence played a crucial role in early modern England, especially in sustaining subordination. Historical theorists hypothesize that masculinity in this period as a combination of sexuality, aggression, and violence. Based on such a definition of manhood, Fletcher (1999) argues that women needed the protection of men to survive[18]. Without men, women were unsafe and more vulnerable to all sorts of perceived or real dangers. Such narrow definitions of what constitutes manhood and womanhood are somehow complementary[19]. As such, violence is crucial in understanding gender identities in early modern England. Within this society, violence was not considered unacceptable. Violence was justifiable depending on the context and the relationship between the two parties [20]. As a result of subordination, women had minimal freedom to exercise legitimate violence. Men’s social status determined their right to use legitimate violent force as compared to other male counterparts. Legitimate violence was meted on the criminals, a husband on a disgraceful wife, a master or mistress on their servant, and parents on their stubborn children. In short, violence was legitimate when a more powerful party used it on a less powerful party as a form of correction.
Besides me, women also used legitimate violence, although under different circumstances. Popular to the common perception that women are non-violent, women too can use violence as an outlet for their emotions. In early modern England, women fought each other in the marketplace or during other altercations in public. Men often fought each other on drinking parties. In women fights, weapons were less likely to be used; thus, fights causing fatal injuries were rare. Consequently, the court records of women’s violence were sparse since their assault cases were less likely to be prosecuted[21]. Within the household, both the man and woman exercised violence against each other, and more often, against their children. Nonetheless, the recorded cases of women’s violence are so few that their statistical analysis is meaningless [22]. The most common accusation of women’s violence is witchcraft. This is a discreet form of violence where one manipulates dark powers to inflict harm on an individual. According to Amussen (1995), women were thought to prefer this form of violence due to its indirect approach[23]. Besides, the discriminative culture left women with few means, either violent or non-violent, for redressing conflicts.
In conclusion, gender relationships in the early modern culture in England is a multifaceted concept. The struggle for gender power between both sexes is an endless duel in this era. In this gender politics, men hold a considerable advantage, dominating leadership positions from the political structures to the household. Based on their domination, the patriarchal culture has developed values, attitudes, and laws that protect men’s interests while leaving the woman vulnerable. As a result, the woman is only safe when under the protection of a man, and that is what defines femininity. Despite the odds against them, the woman is fighting back against this discriminative system in early modern England. Their contribution to their families and local politics cannot be overstated. For one, the women run the rumor mill and can therefore break or make a person’s reputation. Besides, women take care of the household’s finances through hard work and commitment. Though women have a limited amount of trust they can offer due to perpetual discrimination – the hardship inspires their confidence and shapes their relationships and friendships.
References
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23971-9_3
Capp. K (1999) the double standards revisited
Fletcher, A. (1999). Manhood, the male body, courtship and the household in early modern England. History, 84(275), 419-436. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-229X.00116
Ingram, M. (2004). “Scolding women cucked or washed”: a crisis in gender relations in early modern England?. In Women, crime and the courts in early modern England (pp. 57-90). Routledge.
Underdown, D. (1982). The taming of the scold: the enforcement of patriarchal authority in early modern England.
Walker, G. (1996). Expanding the boundaries of female honour in early modern England. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6, 235-245.
Walter, J. ‘Faces in the crowd: Gender and age in the early modern English crowd’ in Berry, H., and Foyster, E. (eds.), The family in early modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2007) 96-125 [online] https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1014&context=histhp
Weil, R. ‘Politics and Gender in Crisis in David Underdown’s “The Taming of the Scold” History Compass 11:5 (2013) 381-388 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/hic3.12054
Whittle, J. (2005). Housewives and servants in rural England, 1440–1650: evidence of women’s work from probate documents. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 15, 51-74. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0080440105000332
Whyte (2016). Enclosure, common fields, social relations
Whyte, N. (2011). Custodians of Memory: Women and Custom in Rural England c. 1550–1700. Cultural and Social History, 8(2), 153-173. https://doi.org/10.2752/147800411X12949180694263
[1] Walter, J. (2007) ‘Faces in the crowd: Gender and age in the early modern English crowd.’
[2] Whyte (2016). Enclosure, common fields, social relations
[3] Whyte, N. (2011). Custodians of Memory: Women and Custom in Rural England
[4] Ingram, M. (2004). “Scolding women cucked or washed”: a crisis in gender relations in early modern England?
[5] Walter, J. (2007) ‘Faces in the crowd: Gender and age in the early modern English crowd.’
[6] Whittle, J. (2005). Housewives and servants in rural England, 1440–1650
[7] Capp. K (1999) the double standards revisited
[8] Capp. K (1999) the double standards revisited
[9] Weil, R. ‘Politics and Gender in Crisis in David Underdown’s “The Taming of the Scold”
[10] Amussen, S. D. (1995). The gendering of popular culture in early modern England. In Popular Culture in England
[11] Underdown, D. (1982). The taming of the scold: the enforcement of patriarchal authority in early modern England.
[12] Ingram, M. (2004). “Scolding women cucked or washed”: a crisis in gender relations in early modern England?.
[13] Whyte (2016). Enclosure, common fields, social relations
[14] Fletcher, A. (1999). Manhood, the male body, courtship and the household in early modern England.
[15] Capp. K (1999) the double standards revisited
[16] Walker, G. (1996). Expanding the boundaries of female honor in early modern England.
[17] Whittle, J. (2005). Housewives and servants in rural England, 1440–1650
[18] Fletcher, A. (1999). Manhood, the male body, courtship and the household in early modern England.
[19] Ingram, M. (2004). “Scolding women cucked or washed”: a crisis in gender relations in early modern England?.
[20] Underdown, D. (1982). The taming of the scold: the enforcement of patriarchal authority in early modern England.
[21] Amussen, S. D. (1995). The gendering of popular culture in early modern England. In Popular Culture in England
[22] Capp. K (1999) the double standards revisited
[23] Amussen, S. D. (1995). The gendering of popular culture in early modern England. In Popular Culture in England