Research Paper Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
One of the policies for regulating immigrant activities in the United States is known as the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. More specifically, the plan defers federal action against people who immigrated to the United States as children. Hence they are given opportunities to advance both educationally and economically. Therefore, the paper is an in-depth analysis of the policy’s benefits and effectiveness in the United States.
The paper aims to determine the potential short- and long-term efficiency and influence of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals policy in America since it was first implemented. More specifically, the paper is a review of the policy’s benefits and effectiveness after a year of inception in addition to its influence on those who immigrated to the United States as children.
Additionally, the peer-reviewed article aims at elaborating on the various themes for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, for instance, its effectiveness after a year of implementation. The review presents the data from the literature in terms of the progressiveness of the findings at each phase of the Deferred Action for Childhood policy.
The requirement to qualify for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program, includes avoiding crimes, immigrating to the United States before attaining the age of 16, owning at least a high school certificate or continuing with education and being at least 15 years of age but under the age of 31.
Theme 1: Short-Term Benefits of Deferred Action for Childhood policy
The struggle of the undocumented people in the United States is immense, and it includes the inability to obtain citizenship. Lack of citizenship rights means immigrants in the United States are excluded from economic, health, social, and educational advancement. Fortunately, the Deferred Action for Childhood policy was instituted to address the problem faced by childhood immigrants in the United States.
Soon after the inception of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program, 2.1 million people applied, but only 1.2 million were deemed eligible after assessing their educational background, which was satisfactory (Lim, 2018). Nine hundred thousand people who never qualified for the program were due to their educational status. Yet, they were capable of joining the labor force but not in the formal sector of the American economy.
Gonzales et al. (2014) demonstrated that the policy had immense benefits to the lives of the immigrants since its inception in 2012. Firstly, the plan has enabled undocumented immigrants to benefit economically and integrate flawlessly into American society. The studies conducted in the literature proved that immigrants have since been able to secure job opportunities once approved as undocumented immigrants. Gonzales, Terriquez, and Ruszczyk researched on a population of 2,381 immigrants, and the results were 59 percent of the population reported having obtained employment after the policy’s implementation.
Moreover, 45 percent of the immigrant population had been promoted to better-paying jobs position upon the implementation of the policy compared to their undocumented counterparts who were fixed on blue-collar employment. On the other hand, one-fifth of the immigrants’ population was capable of securing an internship in America and obtaining significant career development, which was impossible before the Deferred Action for Childhood policy. One of the career development that the immigrants benefited from included career training to qualify less experienced immigrants in the United States.
Another short-term benefit of the Deferred Action for Childhood policy included the immigrants’ ability to open bank accounts in the United States and even obtain credit facilities. Before the year 2012, it was illegal for any banking institution to recognize or transact with undocumented immigrants. Furthermore, the policy enabled the federal government to issue social security numbers to the immigrant, which is crucial for obtaining several utilities in America.
The social number was also crucial for curbing social awkwardness and encouraging the integration of the immigrants into the American societies. The study conducted by the researchers proved that 2 percent of the immigrants were able to access services from the health care institutions in America after applying for protection by the policy. The health care plan was employment-based to ease the inclusion of undocumented immigrants. The health care plan was valid in many hospitals in the United States since it enabled sufficient documentation needed by hospitals managements.
Gonzales, Terriquez, and Ruszczyk thereby proved that the provision of Deferred Action for Childhood was crucial for increasing immigrants’ employability, rate of employment, and career earning levels. Moreover, the policy encouraged ease of immigrants’ social integration into American societies since they could open bank accounts, apply for American banks’ credit cards, secure driving licenses, and even got their social security numbers.
The social security number further increased the immigrants’ capability to advance socially, educationally, and eliminate social hurdles used to prevent immigrant youths from achieving socio-economic growth. Therefore, the short-term benefits of Deferred Action for Childhood include increasing immigrant’s employability and career development and getting access to driving licenses, health care insurance plans, and opening American bank accounts.
Theme 2: Effectiveness of Deferred Action for Childhood after one year of implementation
Firstly, research performed by Batalova et al. (2013) aimed to reveal whether the intended immigrants benefitted from the policy provisions after a year of its implementation. Hence, the policy’s effectiveness was based on its capability to reach qualified undocumented immigrants in the United States, and the research result proved decisive. Many undocumented immigrant youths in the United States had access to the benefits of Deferred Action for Childhood after a year of its implementation.
For instance, 49 percent of the young immigrants, especially those who had the required arrival age and specified educational backgrounds, benefitted from the provisions of the policy. Furthermore, 36 percent of immigrants who arrived in the United States as adults got a chance to pursue adult education and training to foster their career development. Adult immigrants’ eligibility for the Deferred Action for Childhood benefit depended on their prior educational qualifications.
Batalova et al. revealed much about the educational benefits associated with the policy. For example, the findings showed that 60 percent of the immigrants had gained strong proficiency in both written and spoken English. More specifically, 9 percent wrote and spoke pure English, though 32 percent had limited ability in both written and spoken English. Additionally, the research results indicated that poor undocumented immigrants achieved family income growth in their first year of implementing the policy.
The Deferred Action for Childhood policy led to structural growth in net income for undocumented immigrant families since approximately 68 percent of the population actively participated in the labor market. Edwards and Ortega (2017) estimated that undocumented immigrants in the United States contribute to 3 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. Moreover, participation in the labor force market was not limited by age, sex, or family status. Hence the policy gave an equal opportunity for every undocumented immigrant to achieve financial growth.
The research thereby proved that the Deferred Action for Childhood policy achieved its intended purpose within a year of its implementation. For example, the system’s effectiveness emerged in the form of opportunities in the American formal sector, which provided better-paying employment than the informal areas pursued by immigrants before the policy implementation.
Furthermore, the policy enabled the educational advancement of the immigrants forming means of assessing their competencies, experience, and skills. The educational advancement opportunity for the immigrants was also meant for evaluating their knowledge capability, which was crucial for their employability and career development. Therefore, in the one year mark, the policy led to a significant reduction in poverty and high economic mobility amongst the undocumented immigrants.
Continued study of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival indicated that the number of undocumented immigrants who would finally qualify for the United States citizenship would be less. The fewer amounts of immigrant qualifying for citizenship will be attributed to the rigorous requirement for those wishing to apply for it in the country. For example, it is required that a person has spent two years in the country and had obtained at least a degree. Moreover, the applicant should score highly in both written and spoken English.
Theme 3: Impacts of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program
The United States hosts over 11 million immigrants who encounter socio-economic growth, health, career development, and education advancement impediment due to lack of citizenship (Patler & Cabrera, 2015). Patler and Cabrera focused mostly on the factors that hindered the application for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival status in the United States. Moreover, they researched on the hurdles to equal resource distributions among the undocumented immigrant who have applied for the program.
The policy also provided undocumented immigrants with the opportunity to renew their work contracts after its two-year expiry date (Hsin and Ortega, 2018). Additionally, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program protected undocumented immigrants from deportation, and it was also renewed after every two years. Hence, the policy was meant to ensure undocumented immigrant get a fair share of education and as well as contributing to the United States gross domestic product.
The researchers revealed that unequal resource distribution amongst the undocumented immigrant led to impediments in educational advancement, career development, obtaining health insurance, and opening bank accounts in the United States. The first impact policy on undocumented immigrants’ lives was the capability to attain educational advancement after applying for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program.
The results indicated that 57 percent of the immigrants had high school degrees, and 7 percent had pursued vocational and trade training degree. Moreover, 19 percent of the immigrant population owned associated degree certificates, and 16 percent had the opportunity to pursue a bachelor’s degree in various courses. The research by Patler and Cabrera also proved that the 16 percent were inclusive of those who had undergone through a master’s degree and doctoral degree amongst the undocumented immigrants.
Furthermore, the policy increased the number of educated immigrant youths in the United States and increased their optimism to pursue educational advancement. Another area where Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program has been effective is in improving the social, economic, and employability of undocumented immigrants. The policy has also made it possible for immigrants to attain high position jobs with better –paying salaries.
The research done by Patler and Cabrera indicated that out of five studies, 82 percent of the participating immigrants were part of the American labor force union. Moreover, out of the immigrants who had joined the American labor force, 73 percent were employees in the blue-collar job positions such as in the tourism industry and foodservice industry while 22 percent of the immigrants were working in hotels and restaurants in the United States.
Sixteen percent of the population were workers in a retail store, while 9 percent were working as clerks throughout the States. Furthermore, 8 percent of the undocumented immigrants worked as housekeepers and 5 percent as health care service providers, similar to those working in the construction industry. Another 8 percent of the immigrants were workers in the manufacturing and shipping industry.
Else ways, 18 percent of the total immigrants populations were workers in white-collar jobs and held professional job positions. More specifically, 79 percent of the surveyed population reported that they had attained posts that were deemed better jobs in their society. The result of implementing the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program was an increase in the immigrants’ social and economic status after its first year of implementation.
The program also improved immigrants’ access to formal financial organizations such as the banks and increased access to healthcare insurance programs. Patler and Cabrera proved that 43 percent of the undocumented immigrants had obtained comprehensive health insurance, while 37 percent had previously accessed health care for the past one year. The program also eased the level of stress and anxiety from the immigrants, which reduced cases of mental health problems in the United States.
Another impact of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program is that it enabled undocumented immigrants’ to obtain government support to pursue their education. Previously the immigrants had to work in addition to pursuing educational goals since they could not secure government funds to further their scholarly interests. Therefore they are forced to work to pay their tuition fees. Fortunately, through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival program, immigrants could apply for government support in their education.
Contrarily, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival tends to incentivize work than it does to schooling. For example, research conducted by Hsin and Ortega revealed that there was a high likelihood of the program encouraging dropouts in colleges and vocational training to switch their attendance to part-time hours. For example, a family headed by financially unstable immigrants always have financial difficulty. Thereby every family member often joins the American labor union as the only method to make enough money for the family. Consequently, the need to earn more money has led to increased cases of absenteeism and dropouts in colleges.
The application fee for the Deferred Action for Childhood status is another discouraging factor for undocumented immigrants living below the federal poverty line. For example, immigrants should pay 465 dollars before applying for protection under the policy. Therefore, the plan has been ineffective in reaching and helping poor immigrant families who would somewhat get discouraged by the fee than wait to benefit from the policy.
A large scale of legalization of the undocumented immigrant will be very crucial in reducing the number of school dropouts as a result of balancing between work and schooling among immigrant youths. Moreover, further studies on the topic are essential for determining the effectiveness of the policy after five years of implementation. Hence continued research on the benefits and impact of long term implementation of Deferred Action for Childhood program is essential.
References
Batalova, J., Hooker, S., Capps, R., Bachmeier, J. D., & Cox, E. (2013). Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals at the one-year Mark. Migration Policy Institue.
Edwards, R., & Ortega, F. (2017). The economic contribution of unauthorized workers: An industry analysis. Regional Science and Urban Economics, 67, 119-134.
Hsin, A., & Ortega, F. (2018). The effects of deferred action for childhood arrivals on the educational outcomes of undocumented students. Demography, 55(4), 1487-1506.
Gonzales, R. G., Terriquez, V., & Ruszczyk, S. P. (2014). Becoming DACAmented: Assessing the short-term benefits of deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA). American Behavioral Scientist, 58(14), 1852-1872.
Lim, M. (2018). Estimating the Effect of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) on DREAMers.
Patler, C., & Cabrera, J. A. (2015). From Undocumented to DACAmented: Impacts of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program.