The Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai People
Abstract
The Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai People are Nilotic ethnic groups commonly known as pastoralists in addition to hunters and warriors. They wear sheet worn wrapped all-around their body which can be informed of coloured red, purple or blue. They are indigenous people of the African Great Lakes and their routes are traced back from South Sudan. They have a patriarchal social structure with the council of elders making most of the community decisions. Their culture is renewed on dance and music via a leader termed as Olaranyani. Their cultural practices have facilitated reservations of wildlife reserves and national parks such as Maasai Mara, Amboseli, Samburu and Tsavo National Parks. In Tanzania, among the reservations include Serengeti, Ngorongoro and Tarangire. Their governance is based on decentralization in addition to egalitarian and that their central unit is the age-set. The group is believed to always try to live in encroached territories based on the clan one belongs.
The Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai People
Introduction
The Maasai people of East Africa are based in the Northern part of Tanzania and Southern part of Kenya. In Northern Tanzania, they are based specifically in the Great Rift Valley region of arid and semi-arid lands. The total population of the Maasai people occupies a space area of 160,000 square kilometres and as per 2019 census done in Kenya, have an approximation population of o1, 189,522 as opposed in 1989 which they total to 377,089. In Tanzania as per 2011 census, they total approximately to 800,000. The population which is best known for its local population as a result of residing near game parks such as African Great Lakes in addition to their distinctive dress and customs speak the Maa language and belong to Nilotic language which is highly related to other languages such as Nuer, Dinka and Kalenjin and, can speak English and Swahili language appropriately (Kipuri, 2017). Maasai people’s physical appearance is enhanced with stretched and pierced earlobes which are done via bundles of twigs, thorns of piercing, twigs, empty film canisters or a part of elephant tusks and wear multicoloured Africa design clothes with blue-black and checked cloths.
According to history, they are believed to have inhabited the African Great Lakes area which, they arrived via South Sudan. In Kenya, the group termed as Nilotic speakers made of Kalenjins and Turkana are pastoralists. They are fearsome especially for their continuous practices such as cattle rustlers and warriors. They have highly adopted practices and customs from the core neighbours known as Cushitic-speaking groups and that involves circumcision, social organization age set system and vocabulary terminologies. The rest of this essay tends to elaborate on their ecological setting, social organization, region and ritual, government and some of the forces towards modernization change experienced by the Maasai People.
Ecological Setting
The Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai people have composed of Iloshon; sixteen sections and include IIdamat, IIkankere, IIpurko, IIpitai, Isoria, IIoodokiani, Kore and Parakuyu among others and have their homestead and labour arranged in a method known as circular fashion. Their homestead is fenced with features of Kraal composing of acacia thorns and that they are important in their ability to protect the lions from attacking their cattle. Their men are considered as the breadwinners and engage in various subsistence economy practices which involve livestock such as goats, sheep, cattle termed as the primary source of income. To them, livestock serves as a social utility as it plays a very essential role in their economy. Since time-immemorial, livestock is traded for other goods, Barter Trade, such as cash or additional livestock products which might involve a siege or milk (Lesorogol & Boone, 2016)? It is the role of individuals belonging to various families to establish good ties within their clans for excellence economic operation. The process is often achieved via close ties in the time of exchanging or giving out of cattle.
The Maasai economy is highly independent especially in the market economy where livestock is sold to other groups and, in Kenya for instance, products purchased include fees for children and uniforms through giving out of goats and cows. That also adds to the sell of cell phones, beads, grain and charcoal among others with the whole processes changed via entrepreneurial spirit. Generally, the Maasai economy indicates features of commercial and subsistence activities which are oriented via their lifestyle in herds of cattle. In as much as goats and sheep serve as an important diet to them which is practices more in the dry season where their milk is scarce, such act is prevented through the introduction of graze stock. It facilitates consistency in the availability of access to water and grazes during such seasons. They are gathers and hunters in addition to industrial arts activity where they are considered as blacksmiths. At that particular point, they produce ornaments and spears which are primarily associated with dirt in their craft. The sheep and goats are traded with the neighbouring communities for vegetable products. It is an opportunity to migrate in the labour wage which began back in the 1960s as they traditionally sold absolute necessities facilitating their engagement to a monetary economy.
According to the division of labour, the boys herd the stock and often assisted by the older males whereas girls are based on the rise of needs and supervision provided from their family tend to support at times especially if the herding of stock takes place at night. Women play a critical role in the household as they necessitate both the strategic and practical needs and demands based in the at-home such as cooking, looking after their children, maintaining the act of domestic and firewood and water supply in addition to milking the cattle. The warriors, who are males, are expected to defend the herds on the other hand (Lesorogol & Boone, 2016). In the aspect of land tenure, each tribal section is claimed based on the grazing rights necessitated to own territory. Individual elders are at the high advantage as they can comfortably own water, wells and land which is proportional to the water and Maasai land across the boundary thus denying the rest of the group the ability to access such boundaries.
The above economic features from the Maasai community or village have a high impact on the reciprocity, redistribution and market exchange in the Maasai land. The Maasai in addition to other Maa speakers who are termed as pastoralists, engage in need-based transfers as a result of balanced reciprocity which are characterized with stock friendship relationships form contractual commitments among limited livestock owners. In the time of scarcity especially in the dry seasons, there are various acts of risk pooling and herd survival which highly influence the redistribution of products as well as a market exchange which, have aided in their continuity in the traditional organization of the pastoral Maasai. Rapid exchange through community members with different needs had aided their sedentarisation and economic diversification as a result of continuous economic activities through the myriad of operational factors.
Social Organization
The Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai people have their major units of a social organization described on the aspects of Non-Kinship based social groups and gender-based groups. In relation to non-kinship based social groups, the groups are divided depending with their age and they can be identified as children, teenagers, middle-aged and senior and elder citizens which are referred to as age grades. The age grades are in ascribed and achievable status via longevity. People with similar ages in the Maasai village are referred on the aspects of Age Sets and that people of the same gender tend to share common identities and aim at maintaining close ties throughout their livings (Mehari & Ryano, 2016. The age set members are expected to pass together in age-related agendas. The process of transition in Maasai village is regarded as a Rite of Passage. The male age-sets are considered so important traditionally as they are in charge of the cattle-herding who when they have grown are divided into three categories which are elders, boys and warriors. The later groups; warriors, in some cases are divided into juniors and seniors and elders as senior elders.
At the age of 6-8, Maasai boys tend to spend most of their time themselves and are away from the community in most of the times to, share works such as cattle herding owned by their parents. At the age of 12-14, the boys undergo the process of the circumcision which is a new transition to life status and possess the title of morans or warriors and, they can be allowed to have long hairs. After the incidence, they are expected to dress differently and reside in a hidden training camp to undergo the healing processes. It is at this particular point that they don’t heard cattle and instead is considered so responsible for defence against predators such as people who might want to steal the cattle in addition to lions which takes 7 years before they marry through the help of decision-makers and spokesman in community.
Their social organization allow the girls to marry at teen whereas, men can stay up to thirty years and in consideration to gender-based groups social organizations, gender is profoundly considered as a universal basis that organizes the social group. Small-scale societies of Maasai people tend to make up the large-scale society which membership is not mandatory and that it is institutionalized. Gender-based groups have common interests with experienced forms of non-kinship linked to the voluntary associations and that it cuts them largely based on class-based groups and that they take the form of patriarchal nature. It only the elders who determines the major matters in Maasai tribes and that the women are expected to adhere to the house chores are efficiently followed the orders facilitated by their spouses.
Their social organization is currently based on the traditional way of life and that the end of the virtual life takes a formal funeral form which, the dead are particularly left in the scavengers or fields. The burial is preserved for the great members who are considered to be chiefs as a burial to the Maasai people is considered harmful to the soil. Traditionally, they concentrate on the cattle which is the primary food source and to fit in titles of social organization, the man is expected to have lots of wealth fixed to a number of cattle children; a man who however has a lot of cattle and a small number of children is considered poor and cannot fit in the eyes of the elders’ agendas. Generally, the impact of social organization which is fixed to hierarchy and that men dominate powerful position has deeply affected the lives of women and girls in the Maasai community. Their voices are left out in decision-making. Additionally, they don’t participate in a leadership position and that they can only transcend the information they did to their spouses. In cases where their girls are married at teens; incidences of early marriages have led to future complication such as difficulties during giving birth in addition to life frustration especially if they fail to meet the demands and needs of their husbands. In as much as there are issues of patriarchy, women are treated with respect especially with the family members and accorded respect on various types of ceremonies situated in the family.
Religion and Ritual
The Maasai people belief system is known as monotheistic therefore believes in the deity known as Engai and a dual nature commonly referred to as vengeful and benevolent. Engai sometimes referred to as Enkai is believed in their community to manifest himself through colours in addition to the feelings community members’ experience. The various types of colours such as black and dark blue have hidden meaning. Black and dark blue means that God is well disposed towards men whereas the red colour indicates that God is irritated with the various types of actions the community members are practising. The Enkai in Maasai community has two manifestations. Primarily, the Enkai-Narok or commonly the black God denotes good and beloved statements which are manifested in the prosperity of the community. The Enkai Narok God is found in rain and thunder (Roulette et al., 2018). Enkai-na-Nyokie or the Red God sometimes termed as vengeful indicates signs of famine and hunger and it is found in lightning and illustrated during the dry season. The Maasai God referred at times as Ngai is neither male or female and that He is the creator of everything
The most important wealth in Maasai, cattle, are at times rendered as a sacrifice to the Enkai as a sign of thanksgiving and that via different legends which tend to explain the issues happening in Maasai affirms to the signs based in colours initiated by the Creator of the earth who is Enkai. According to the legends, Enkai is believed to have stayed on the planet together with human beings and that at one given point he decided to rise to the sky and brought all animals together with him. The story follows different problems fixed to animals and grazing and that at one incident Enkai decided to send the animals to earth. Generally, the animals are believed to have been entrusted to the Maasai who proudly takes care of them. The tree initiated by Enkai to Maasai down on earth is referred to as Ficus Natalensis which is sacred to them for various reasons. And that, even the grass surrounding that particular tree is sacred with Maasai passing in front to make requests based on various seasons they are experiencing. The cattle play a critical role in the religious Maasai traditions with animals, for example, being sacrificed to Enkai in the process of prayer context. However, the only type of animal rendered for sacrifice is known as wildebeests which are considered for their contribution to layers of the grass next to the sacred trees as well as the overall health of the cattle. The rest of the living tend to believe in the guardian spirit and that everyone is accorded with a spirit especially in times of danger and are even carried in times of death and that those considered evil are carried to the desert and good to the land of rich pastures with a lot of cattle. The belief the origin of death fixed to a magic chant which is termed as a mortal.
Maasai rituals are influenced by the significant role played by the cattle. For instance, the sacrifices made in animal slaughtering to Enkai solve various issues affecting female infertility in addition to funeral rites. The Maasai have got no reference to the afterlife. Even though, people tend to pay tribute to their ancestors. Loiboni who are considered divine, ritual experts and the medicine men have authority and based on Myths of the community are believed to heal members suffering from different diseases. They use various types of plants depending on the illness. Among them include venereal diseases, chest complaints, malaria, barrenness, bruises and cuts and eye diseases among others. They are aided tasks based on age-group leaders known as Olaiguenani who are chosen after circumcision. They generally officiate and direct ceremonies and that they provide advice to elders on spiritual matters of the community. However, they have no political power but install at times power depending with personalities, efficacy and course.
Government and Leadership
In the Maasai community, the form of governance is termed as decentralized. Therefore, the clan makes the basic political unit for the members of the clan. Each clan consists of related family members and that leadership in it is fixed to the council of elders who play a critical role in the resolving disputes, participation in decision-making of inter-tribal marriages, maintaining law and order as well as formulating executive choices affecting the daily activities of the communities. Leadership is highly practised in different age-set systems present in the communities with boys joining it after initiation. They are considered as warriors according to decision initiated by elders and that they prevent their communities from political attacks or any other raid of cattle. Government and leadership positions are hereditary meaning that the elders decide who is fit for vacant positions.
In the family, leadership and any other authorized decision are fixed to the father who is the head of the family and that a couple of families makes up the clan. The group of elders specifically forms the council of elders who as explained earlier settle various disputes affecting the community, administer justice, inherent disputes in addition to coming up with the final court of appeal. Among the list of rules who have held positions in the Maasai community include Laibon; Laibon Supet (1850-66), Mbatian (1866-88), Lenana Loibon (1888-90), Paramount chief Segi (1904-1911) and 1911-1918, Paramount chiefdom which was abolished by the British authorities. The Laibon for instance, are considered to have originated from chief ritual leaders who later on are believed to have emerged necessitating military and political authority.
Maasai society is considered to be Egalitarian and that Laibon, who is considered as the African ritual leader in addition to other leaders necessitate practices which have political doctrine. Therefore, members of the Maasai community regardless of the clan they are treated equally with the same political, social, economic and civil rights. Based on the law affiliated by the council of elders, Maasai people are considered to possess fundamental worth with social status linked to wealth and the number of children. Heads of the families making up the clan as a result of decentralization powers are indulged in all activities of the community which aid in decision making and planning and that in case there is any duty there is the centrality of the decision made which are authoritative.
Correspondingly, Maasai age-sets and prophetic leaders are fixed to territorial sections which necessitate effective leadership styles as implemented by the council of elders. Its leadership system is democratic and that men are the only once allowed in the leadership decision-making process which incorporates various concerns such as local problems, reconscientise and rejuvenating humanness and moral collectiveness. The whole process despite being considered effectiveness has adversely affected women participation in the matters of the social, political and economic decision-making process and leadership position (Mehari & Ryano, 2016). Generally, the women are only allowed to participate in household chores such as cooking, fetching firewood in addition to looking after their children. In the long run, their voices have been left out which could effectively aid in community development. As a result frequent trial to participation, several women from Maasai community such as Beatrice Sisina Shanka have stood up to oppose some of the decisions made particularly by the elders of Female Genital Mutilation (Kipuri, 2017). FGM has an impact to the life of the children especially girls who might face complications during childbirth, the formation of cysts and abscesses, anaemia, Keloid scar formation and damage of urethra in men resulting to urinary problems dyspareunia, hypersensitivity and sexual dysfunction of genital areas.
Forces of Change towards Modernization in Maasai Community
One of the primary forces of change towards modernization in the Maasai community includes climate changes responses, especially in the dry seasons. During this particular period, there is limited access to green land for grazing or vegetation and that members have strived to feed their herds and cattle in addition to their community members. With modernization, the community gets a grip of the growth, urbanization and social and economic development initiated through it. In the long run, they understand the various forms of modern practices to survive. Via collective behavior and social movements taking place in Maasai community as a result of modernization, they have understood the various technological innovations or environmental shifts that will impact on their survival (Lesorogol & Boone, 2016). Therefore, advantages linked to the effects of technology have necessitated their modernization.
Additionally, as modernization involved the process of the increased amount of specialization and differentiation in addition to structural roads, one would say that additional force towards modernization includes land encroachment which facilitated transportation. The members could, therefore, move to the city comfortably in such for better pastures and employment. To them, employment to them was a chance to financial freedom and decision making power as a result of better living standards. Apart from that, forced in search of peaceful existence was one of the many reasons for modernization. In the Maasai community, there are various cases linked to intra-conflicts and members would run away in search for peaceful co-existence.
Summary/Conclusion
In conclusion, there are a lot of similarities and differences between the ethnography The Gebusi by Bruce Knauft and that of the Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai people. One of the primary similarities is that the two have their settlements next to water sources as well as experiencing a tropical climate. Besides that, construction of their houses involved products from sago palms in addition to bulks of leaves with slashed wooden strips where extended families live together. Based on food gathering and gathering, both men from both ends are expected to participate in the whole process. However, one of the major difference is in their stable food with The Gebusi stable food being banana whereas, for the Maasai, their staple food consists of six basic nutrients which include blood, honey, tree barks, milk, meat and fat. Also, the Gebusi halfway raise their animals for livestock whereas for the Maasai, raises their herds and cattle to the later considering them as spiritual and wealth necessity of the community.
An additional similarity is that the communal gardens in both ends are highly preserved by the family which serves as a source of income and subsistence use. Besides that, the men in their communities are hunters and gather with the actions being lead by the senior members of the age-sets. As the Gebusi culture affirms to the emotional connection between the living and the death, the Maasai people as well tend to consider life after death and pour libation their ancestors. On the other hand, the similarity is witnessed in the value of the clan which forms various types of extended families and that members of the same community are unexpected to marry as it a taboo. Clan membership in both sides is patrilineal and that marriage to them is an important aspect which facilitates procreation.
One of the many insights I must say I have received in the whole process in understanding the various aspects of the Maasai community via various research is that to effectively come up with the right information, the patient is key to gain the whole detail. I learnt that communities vary at large based on government and leadership, ecological settings and religion as well as a ritual which is part of their daily living. Generally, I have an insight on the various elements situated with ethnographic frameworks which for one to fully have a grasp he or she must at least come into an imagination of their culture, change forces as well as restored process despite the process of globalization. And, despite the various challenges connected to the environmental forces, communities such as the Northern Tanzania and Southern Kenya Maasai people have tried to receive their practices in different regions.
References
Kipuri, N. (2017). Human rights violation and indigenous peoples of Africa: The case of the Maasai people. In Indigenous Peoples’ Wisdom and Power (pp. 246-256). Routledge.
Knauft, B. M. (2016). The Gebusi: Lives Transformed in a Rainforest World. Long Grove.
Lesorogol, C., & Boone, R. (2016). Which way forward? Using simulation models and ethnography to understand changing livelihoods among Kenyan pastoralists in a “new commons”. International Journal of the Commons, 10(2).
Mehari, A. G., & Ryano, K. P. (2016). Maasai people and Oldupai (Olduvai) gorge: Looking for sustainable people-centred approaches and practices. Community Archaeology and Heritage in Africa (pp. 35-59). Routledge.
Roulette, J. W., Quinlan, M. B., Roulette, C. J., Quinlan, R. J., & Call, D. R. (2019). CHAPTER SIX: NORTHERN TANZANIAN MAASAI AGRO-PASTORALIST ILLNESS KNOWLEDGE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN. ETHNOBIOLOGY, ILLNESS PERCEPTIONS, AND HEALTH EDUCATION AMONG MAASAI CHILDREN IN NORTHERN TANZANIA, 143.